April 2017 Newsletter
 

 

What's Inside?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Q & A with Erik Lukens, Editor of The Bulletin

 


Last summer you left your position as editorial page editor of The Oregonian to become the editor of The Bulletin in Bend. Why?

 

By the time I left The Oregonian, I'd spent 17 years as an editorial page editor, first at The Bulletin and then, beginning in 2012, at The Oregonian. I loved the work and had great colleagues, but I was just ready for a new challenge. The prospect of overseeing a newsroom with 50 or so people for the first time was daunting, but I was very familiar with Bend. I'd known the owners, who are from Bend, for years and valued their commitment to good journalism. Meanwhile, the publisher, John Costa, preceded me as editor and hired me in 1998. You won't find better circumstances to take a mid-career risk.

 

Besides, I still get to write. I have a weekly column.

 

 

Tony Baker, editor and publisher of the Register Guard, recently said in this newsletter: "It's stating the obvious, but newspapering is indeed a tough business anymore. There's no manual to follow to help us with the inevitable but terribly disruptive transformation from a print-centric business model to operating in the frantic, ever-evolving digital space. No one has perfected a sustainable business model for producing, selling and marketing our journalism in a digital-only world."

 

What's your reaction to Tony Baker's pragmatic but somewhat pessimistic view of the future of newspapers? Do you think newspapers in midsize cities such as Eugene's Register-Guard or The Bulletin have a better chance of survival than The Oregonian? If so, why?

 

Well, he's certainly right that newspapering is tough these days. He's also right about the absence of a manual to help negotiate the digital evolution of the business. But we're not totally blind. There's a lot of experimentation happening, and this has generated plenty of examples of things to avoid online and things worth trying. If there's one lesson I've learned, though, it's that we need to focus on maintaining the quality of the print product even as we look for ways to do our work and make money online.

 

Do I think that papers in midsize cities like Bend have a better shot than The Oregonian, owing to its location in a larger city? I really don't know, but I think survival for all of us will depend on our ability to remind readers why we matter and are, therefore, worth reading and buying. That, to me, means providing something that others are not: credible journalism that addresses the needs and interests of readers. I hope that will be enough. If we need an unending succession of kitten and puppy photo galleries to keep the doors open, we're doomed.

 

 

News Corp CEO Robert Thomson wrote in his recent Wall Street Journal op-ed, Fake News and the Digital Duopoly, "Google and Facebook have close to two-thirds of the digital advertising market ? [[and] accounted for more than 90 percent of the incremental increase in digital advertising over the past year."

 

Thomson argues, "It is beyond risible that Google and its subsidiary, YouTube, which have earned billions of dollars from other people's content, should now be lamenting that they can't possibly be held responsible for monitoring that content."

 

What are your thoughts about billions of advertising dollars being directed to unaccredited, frequently inaccurate news sources that exercise little or zero editorial control?

 

Click on a Wall Street Journal story, and you'll see that it's accompanied by a column of icons. The one on the very top encourages readers to share that story on Facebook. Because of the incredible reach offered by Facebook and Google, newspaper people feel compelled to work with the very businesses that are hoovering up advertising revenue, contributing to the debasement of civic discourse (especially Facebook) and helping to erode public faith in journalism. You can see why Thomson is so angry.

 

We in the newspaper business deserve responsibility for some of the problems Thomson outlines. By giving away work that costs a lot of money to produce, we've encouraged online readers to expect free access. The digital revenue we generate just isn't enough to support our misplaced generosity. Instead, Facebook and Google are making a lot of money on expensive work they don't have to support.

 

As this is happening, the vetted and edited work of newspapers gets jumbled up in people's Facebook feeds, for instance, with inaccurate "fake news" garbage. I don't know what that does for the credibility of the mainstream news business, but I doubt it's anything good. To combat this, I think some education ? by Facebook, Google or whoever ? designedned to encourage savvy media consumption makes sense. But the Orwellian possibilities Thomson warns about are worrisome, too. Do we really want algorithms or staffers at Facebook and Google deciding what constitutes "real" news and "fake" news? I sure don't.

 

What do I think about the billions of advertising dollars directed to inaccurate news sources that exercise little or no editorial control? Well, as a person who works for a news organization that exercises tight editorial control and values accuracy, I don't like it. But it's a free country, and advertisers get to spend money as they see fit. Our industry needs to continue making the case that advertisers are better off associating themselves with us. And not just online. Print isn't pushing up daisies yet.

 

 

Recently the Wall Street Journal outed Swedish comedian and YouTuber Felix Arvid Ulf Kjellberg, known as PewDiePie, over allegations of anti-Semitism in several of PewDiePie's videos. Despite PewDiePie's 54 million YouTube subscribers, Disney cut ties with the Swedish comedian, and the second season of his YouTube Red show was cancelled.

 

PewDiePie and his audience were outraged by the WSJ's report, claiming his jokes were taken out of context. In an 11-minute harangue he said, "I'm still here. I'm still making videos. Try again, motherf**kers ? Old school media does not like the internet personalities because they are scared of us."

 

As a member of "old school media," who is right here? The WSJ ? outing his content for what it is, poliitical commentary with questionable taste, or PewDiePie ? outing thee old guard as paranoid and defensive about the changing media world?

 

I'm not sure "outing" is the best description of what happened, as content that's accessed by millions and millions of people is already out there. But I get the point. Disney, which was Kjellberg's business partner, was perfectly happy to make a whole bunch of money from edgy, even anti-Semitic, content in a (large) corner of the Internet until the Journal brought it to the attention of people who'd never heard of PewDiePie. At that point, everyone was reminded that businesses care deeply about their reputations.

 

I don't buy Kjellberg's argument that old school media organizations are afraid of internet personalities like him. PewDiePie and Peggy Noonan are speaking to very different people. Not a lot of overlap there.

 

But he's not entirely wrong. I suspect more than a few people at the Journal took some pleasure in highlighting the reputational risk businesses and potential advertisers take when they dive into the internet swamp.

 

 

Thomson also commented on the ethics of YouTube advertising on online quasi-news sites: "As the Times of London has reported, socially aware, image conscious advertisers find themselves in extremely disreputable places ? hardcore porn sites, neofascist sites, Islamist ssites ? It is estimated by the ad industry that a YouTube partner coould earn about 55% of the revenue from a video."

 

What's your reaction to the explosion of non-sourced news sites funded by YouTube and Facebook advertisers? Do you think a culture of internet news with journalistic accountability and accuracy has a chance to emerge to counter sources spreading "fake" and/or malicious news? Or is that mixing apples and oranges?

 

I'm not at all optimistic here. You're asking about the emergence of a culture of internet news with journalistic accountability and accuracy. The internet already is well populated with the sort of news content you mention thanks to traditional and various new media organizations. So, to some degree, that culture already exists. But I've seen no evidence that popular culture will suddenly, or even gradually, come to appreciate the differences between fake/malicious news and what the New York Times produces. And YouTube and Facebook are pop-culture vehicles. You might as well hope that lions take up veganism.

 


President Trump has famously attacked what he refers to as "fake news" coming from the country's old guard traditional media sources ? AP, CNN, the Washington Post, tthe New York Times, etc. Does the president have a point? Did the media have this coming?

 

It did. I'm not a Trump fan and voted for Clinton, but the outcome of the election underscored how much his candidacy resonated with millions of people who felt ignored by Democrats. It also underscored just how thoroughly most traditional media organizations missed this story and therefore underestimated Trump's appeal. The Washington Post, New York Times and other organizations continue to do great work, but they weren't paying enough attention to fly-over country. And let's be honest, most people in traditional media don't like Trump. And it showed.

 

So put yourself in Trump's place, or in the place of one of his supporters. First, major media organizations missed an important part of the story leading up to the election, even as they focused relentlessly on Trump's many flaws. And when he won, people started pointing to "fake news" as one of the reasons he did. The term is politicized, and it's easy to understand the impulse to throw it back in the faces of fallible and hostile media organizations when the chance arises.

 


In 2014, you won a Pulitzer Prize for a series on the problems facing Oregon's Public Employees Retirement System. What confidence do you have that Gov. Brown will provide the necessary leadership to solve the PERS crisis? Do you think Phil Knight was right when he remarked in last month's issue that "left unchecked, PERS will simply sink the state"?

 

I've seen no evidence that Gov. Brown has the leadership skills needed to solve the PERS crisis, but that's irrelevant. Leadership matters only if you intend to do something about the problem, and so far she's shown no interest in that. Instead, she's pointed to the 2015 Supreme Court decision on the 2013 PERS reforms and suggested that nothing new can be done. In the meantime, she urged people last year to vote for Measure 97, a huge tax increase supported by public employee unions that would have papered over the PERS problem. We all know how that went.

 

I don't agree with Knight, though. PERS isn't going to sink the state, but it will continue to create significant problems. The more money public agencies have to devote to retirement, the less they'll have to do other things like hiring teachers. PERS will continue to erode the quality of public education in Oregon, and PERS beneficiaries and allied lawmakers will continue to try to shift the blame to corporations and wealthy people in pursuit of higher taxes.

 

 

As chairman of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, Cong. Greg Walden has been getting rough pushback from the media on the west side of the mountains, particularly The Oregonian and Portland Business Journal, over his role in attempting to repeal Obamacare. One Business Journal headline read, "Inside Congressman Greg Walden's rise to power and how he could lose it." The story tried to paint a scenario where Walden's seat was at risk, despite winning his most recent election with 72 percent of the vote. Do you think this reporting on Rep. Walden's work with the Trump Administration has been fair, accurate? What does the perspective look like from your side of the mountains?

 

I confess that I haven't followed The Oregonian's work on Walden exhaustively, and I haven't read the Business Journal piece. I tried to get it online but was thwarted by a pay wall (good for them!). So I can't say whether the coverage has been fair.

 

But I have read plenty of other work from other sources, including the New York Times. I haven't run across anything I would consider unfair, but a lot of coverage has focused on one of the ironies of Walden's position. Here's this guy who's opposed the ACA, won his district time and again, and is now in a position to rewrite the law. Yet his district has benefited enormously from the ACA's expansion of health coverage. How does he roll back the ACA without hurting the very people who put him in office ... to, among other things, roll back the ACA?

 

His position is certainly a somewhat difficult one, and perhaps I'm being overly simplistic and too harsh. But there seems to be an "aren't voters dumb?" subtext at work in at least some of this coverage. To the extent that it exists, this subtext is more unfair to Walden voters than it is to Walden himself. Whatever voters may or may not know about the ACA, the consequences of a roll-back and so on, I think it's a mistake to assume that voting is merely a transactional exercise. I think people vote in the way they do for a lot of reasons, and the fate of the ACA is only one of them.

 

The perspective on this side of the mountains is certainly different than it is in Portland, though it's worth noting that the city of Bend leans further to the left than most of the rest of Walden's district. Drive outside of Bend, though, and you'll still see plenty of Trump signs on fences. I don't expect Walden even to come close to losing next year.

 

 

In one of the recent Oregonian articles on Walden, one of the story's "researchers" has a recent work history that includes years of service to a high-ranking Massachusetts Democrat. Here in Oregon, even including Gov. Tom McCall, it's common for "journalists" to flip back and forth from journalism to politics. But this kind of activist journalist has created news media that the public no longer trusts.

 

What has happened to journalism as a career and profession? Do the modern economics of the profession make it an impossible choice for millennials unless tied to political ideology and activism? Who can the public trust for "real news"?

 

I do worry that smart, young people will steer clear of journalism out of fear. I have to say, though, there are plenty of smart, young people in The Bulletin's newsroom and in newsrooms all over Oregon, and they are really committed to what they do. I think what draws them to journalism is the knowledge that what they're doing really matters. This is a job with purpose, and that can make up for a lot ? lower pay and skimpiier benefits than your buddy who flacks for the city, the school district or the county; covering night meetings; calls at home from the copy desk, etc.

 

Still, the sense of purpose that characterizes most newspaper folks can bleed over into activism. That's great on the editorial page, but it does erode your credibility when it pops up elsewhere in the paper. And I don't think papers have done themselves any favors by creating beats that both encourage reporter activism and suggest to readers that reporter activism is tolerated outside of the editorial page. The ubiquitous "environment" beat is a problem, in my opinion. You can cover the same issues just as effectively through other beats without suggesting to readers (often correctly) that it's really the "environmentalism" beat.

 

I don't think that the modern economics of the profession make it an impossible choice for millennials unless tied to political ideology or activism. Everybody cares about something, and I think young reporters are eager to learn how to do the job well, which means how to do it in a way that fosters trust. That's where editors come in.

 

Who can the public trust for real news? Newspapers, of course.

 

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Humor is Dead and so is the Wall Street Journal's Reputation: A Millennial's Response

 

In our hyper-politically correct environment, joking about subjects deemed off limits by the left's media and cultural hegemony is cause enough to put your head on a spike. You don't like somebody that has different views than you? Call them a Nazi, punch them in the face, and the world will stand up and cheer.


Unfortunately, YouTube's biggest star, PewDiePie, found out just how harsh the wrath of this new "antifascist" cultural war could be. In February, the Wall Street Journal ran a hit piece against PewDiePie for making unapproved jokes in his videos.
 

PewDiePie, aka Swede Felix Kjellberg, started out in 2010 as a comedian making video game reviews on YouTube. By 2013, his channel grew in popularity to become the largest channel on Youtube and now claims nearly 55 million subscribers.
 

His channel has also grown in content and what was once a narrow focus on video games of certain varieties has grown to include comedy shorts, vlogs and other types of content.
 

PewDiePie has never subscribed to politically correct mantra. He is unfiltered; he says and does what he wants. Sometimes that comes with controversy when someone's feelings get hurt.
 

In January, PieDiePie made a video in which he used the website Fiverr to pay people to make ridiculous statements. One of these statements included "Death to all Jews." Anyone who watches enough of PewDiePie's content knows this was just a joke. Nonetheless, left wing publications saw blood in the water.
 

One of the more unlikely news organizations to jump on the bandwagon, the Wall Street Journal, assigned three journalists to watch thousands of hours of his videos and find anything that could be deemed "offensive." They then took this "evidence" and shared it with PewDiePie's biggest sponsors, including Maker Studios, a subsidiary of Disney.
 

Disney, like any good liberal-fearing company, wanted nothing to do with the controversy that was about to run on the front page of the Wall Street Journal and promptly dropped PewDiePie.
 

When the Wall Street Journal did run the article, it was clear they had no real evidence of PieDiePie being an anti-Semite, racist, Nazi, fascist or any other fashionable label. Instead, they cherry-picked jokes out of his videos and took them out of context. They found a whopping nine videos out of 3,400 that "included anti-Semite or Nazi imagery," including a video of him pointing off screen, which the Wall Street Journal claimed to be a Nazi salute. Hardly an indictment of guilt.
 

Which brings us to the most perplexing question: Why would the Wall Street Journal (not exactly a left-wing publication) risk their reputation and credibility to take down some goofy guy on the internet?
 

As with most things in life, you only need to follow the money. Google, YouTube, Facebook and other internet giants are direct competitors of publications like the Wall Street Journal and they are painfully aware of it. It was never really about PewDiePie. It was about defunding YouTube's content by scaring away their advertisers.
 

In an article authored by Robert Thomson, the CEO of News Corp, the parent company of the Wall Street Journal, he laments that these giants have been abusing their power for money, specifically advertising money.
 

It is obvious that Thomson has a chip on his shoulder because Google and other Silicon Valley companies are out-competing him: "Depending on which source you believe, they have close to two-thirds of the digital advertising market ? and let me be clear that we compete with themm for that share."
 

It's about the money and nothing more. The Wall Street Journal didn't suddenly find their social justice warrior badge. They saw a unique opportunity in our politically tumultuous times to take a run at their largest competitor.
 

What the Wall Street Journal didn't expect was a backlash. Maybe they thought the world would stand up and cheer, but they didn't. With almost 55 million subscribers, PewDiePie has more reach than the Wall Street Journal at their comparatively puny self-reported 6.1 million subscribers. And if PewDiePie's own subscribers weren't already a big enough army, YouTube's other content creators stood shoulder to shoulder with him, as they saw right through the Wall Street Journal for what they were really trying to do.
 

The backlash was immediate, viral and big. The Wall Street Journal lost credibility and trashed their reputation in one single action with 55 million young people and likely many more. All for what? A bigger share of the pie? The Wall Street Journal isn't going to get a bigger share of the pie because the future in advertising is digital, and not many young people are going to pay to read their articles, especially after the thrashing they took for their hit piece.
 

With tweets from Wall Street Journal employees, they continue to double-down and put the pressure on advertisers by trying to shame them into pulling advertising dollars from Google. The narrative is painfully obvious and the war has just begun.
 

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Son of 97
By Eric Fruits

 

Last November, Oregon voters rejected Measure 97 by a wide margin. That overwhelming defeat is not stopping our legislators from bringing it back. For more than a month, state Senator Mark Hass, D-Beaverton, has been floating his "Son of 97" tax plans to local media outlets. Details of the plans have bounced around like a dinghy in a stormy sea. In fact, I debated Sen. Hass on KATU's Your Voice, Your Vote, and basic parts of the plan changed on our walk out of the studio. Nevertheless, the plans have some common themes.
 

It's all about raising taxes.
Proponents of the Son of 97 proposals have made no secret that they are trying to raise taxes. In fact, the Legislative Revenue Office calculates the proposal that's been publicized the most, a 0.45 percent tax on sales over $1 million, would raise as much money as Measure 97 was expected to raise. This is not about simplifying the tax system; it's about raising taxes ? a lot.

 

Just like Measure 97: A tax on gross receipts. The Son of 97 proposals would impose a tax on Oregon sales. This is known as a gross receipts tax, which the former state economist has described as a sales tax on steroids. Businesses would be taxed on their sales, even if the company is losing money. Hass explains, "It will be like a light bill ? you paay it whether you make an income or not." According to the senator, however, that won't happen, "because if you're not making a profit every year, you're probably not going to be around." In other words, if you cannot afford to pay the new taxes, you don't deserve to be in business.
 

Senator Hass argues that with a gross receipts tax, "We don't have to play cat-and-mouse anymore with profits." For many small business owners, making profits is not a game. Profits are how they pay their mortgages, feed their families, and save for their retirements.
 

Small- and medium-sized businesses will be hit with big new tax hikes.
Measure 97 focused on big C-corporations. Son of 97, however, would hit all business types: C-corps, S-corps, LLCs, partnerships, and possibly even sole proprietorships. In several interviews Hass has hinted that businesses with less than $1 million in sales would be exempt from the new tax.

 

Newsflash: $1 million in sales is not a lot of money. Your neighborhood convenience store probably has more than $1 million in sales every year. Your family's favorite locally owned sit-down restaurant may have $2 million in sales. At the current tax rates under discussion, these businesses would have to work harder and longer every year just to pay the higher tax bills.
 

Double taxation of small- and medium-sized business.
Owners of S-corps, LLCs, partnerships and sole proprietorships currently don't pay business income taxes. Instead, they pay personal income taxes on the business income that "passes through" to them as owners. Under the Son of 97 proposals, these business owners will be taxed twice: First on their business' sales, then again on the business' income. It's a double whammy sure to make any entrepreneur think twice about doing business in Oregon.

 

A survey of Oregon voters presented last year by DHM Research found that only 5 percent think small business is taxed too little. It is clear that Oregonians do not have an appetite for hiking taxes on small business.
 

Big businesses will walk away with a whopper.
As a sweetener to get buy-in from big business, the Son of 97 architects have promised to get rid of Oregon's current corporate income tax and replace it with the gross receipts tax. In this way, big C-corps may not see much of a change in their net tax bills. When asked if Son of 97 would lead to big businesses avoiding Oregon, Hass responded, "I'm finding just the opposite to be true from some of the largest businesses, such as Nike, which is supportive and helping." Thus, it is clear that Son of 97 is designed to balance the state's budget on the backs of small- and medium-sized businesses.

 

There's an old saying: "No man's life, liberty or property are safe while the legislature is in session." The Oregon legislature has a little more than 10 weeks left in this session. Be on the lookout for the Son of 97 to emerge from this session, and it is almost certain to end up on this November's ballot.

 

A Historic Opportunity, Muffed
By Philip J. Romero
 
The GOP swept into the White House and Congress last November. After at least eight years of anti-market ideology holding the reins of power, our new leaders have a historic opportunity to correct the course of a ship of state that is careening directly for the rocks. They are muffing it.
 
The Tea Party election of 2010, followed by the Trump Wave of 2016, ushered in a cohort of GOP populists at odds with their incumbent leadership. This schism was dramatically manifest in the vicious fights over the Obamacare replacement bill, finally pulled from the House floor in late March before it went down to certain defeat at the hands of the Freedom Caucus.
 
This is in sharp contrast to the Democratic sweep of 2008. President Obama and Congressional leaders Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi recognized that their focus needed to be: (1) bring the economy out of free fall; (2) assure that the financial practices that led to the crash could not happen again; and (3) arrest the economic cancer of health care spending that was eating away at our long-term prosperity. Their solutions all fell far short of the mark, but their priorities were mostly right. And they had the discipline to vote in lockstep to ram through their agenda.
 
History doesn't wait for a governing party to man up, no matter how long it spent in the opposition. It certainly isn't waiting now. Our national needs are urgent:
  • Anemic economic growth ? less than half the rate of past recoveries ? creates too few jobs. Most of those scarce new jobs are near the bottom of the income ladder, or only part time. 
  • New business formation has ground almost to a halt. No other statistic better predicts future prosperity than the birth rate of startups.
  • Median incomes have been stagnant for decades, while many costs of a middle class lifestyle ? housing, college tuition and health care ? ?? have risen far faster. The only economic winners of the past generation have been some of the highly educated and skilled. Everyone else has, at best, treaded water, and more often, moved backward.
  • Ten million-plus adults have dropped out of the labor force entirely, relying on subsidies from girlfriends (most of these dropouts are unmarried males) and welfare programs. This is pathological but not surprising in light of the poor prospects for the undereducated.
  • The fiscal tsunami of baby boomer retirements is no longer imminent; it is here. On average, 10,000 boomers will leave the workforce each day. Our tax base will shrink and our benefit caseloads will grow. Washington has ignored this demographic inevitability for two decades. In fact, Washington has aggravated the problem under both Republican and Democratic presidents: W signed the Medicare drug benefit (the largest entitlement program in history), and Obama enormously expanded food stamps and disability payments.
In the face of such existential challenges, Congress is mired in symbolic fights. It is wasting a once-in-a-generation opportunity, when we no longer have time to throw any opportunity away.
 
The core of a truly conservative policy revolution should be "an enduring community of freedom." It should reduce government intrusions into individual free choice, except where needed to enhance community, or to counteract our natural tendency to favor the immediate over the distant future. "Freedom" is the central value of economic conservatives, a belief that individuals produce the best outcomes when they have freedom to choose. "Community" is a word beloved by liberals to justify a nanny state, but conservatives must acknowledge that some individual freedoms ? like the freedom to pollute ? conflict with th collective interests. "Enduring" implies that success in the near term isn't enough: policies must make the world a better place tomorrow as well as today. Bequeathing a mess to our children to gain benefits today is not any conservative's idea of a good policy. 
 
Many important policy proposals are consistent with this theme, including:
  • Tax reform: Cutting corporate taxes and eliminating loopholes will stimulate business formation and make our tax system fairer, strengthening democracy's fraying legitimacy. Start from a default that all loopholes will be closed.
  • Health care cost reform: Serious reforms of the health care market -- to make it a truly competitive market, which my February column argued it is not ? would moderate medical inflation so that business prroductivity gains can be plowed into wage growth, not benefits. 
  • Entitlement reform: Shifting cost growth from taxpayers to program beneficiaries will shrink demand and dependency, slow federal borrowing and give confidence to business and investors that their success will not be expropriated to feed the debt monster.
  • A federal spending ceiling: Limiting federal spending to a percentage of gross domestic product will force discipline on a budget that has been out of control throughout this century ? under both Republican and Deemocratic presidents.
  • Sustainability incentives through the market: Using market mechanism such as tax incentives and penalties to encourage sustainable behavior is far better than regulatory mandates. But incentives should meet strict economic tests, not become a back door tool of crony capitalism.
  • An accountable government: Congress should halt expansion of the "regulatory state," in which the legislature passes broad laws and leaves it to a hyperactive bureaucracy to interpret and implement them. Civil servants aren't accountable. President Trump's early executive orders on regulation are a tiny step in the right direction.
  • Smart regulation: To the degree regulations are continued, truly require that any regulation meet a severe cost-benefit test ? say, that ffreedoms should not be restricted by a regulation unless its benefits are at least five times the costs. Put that analysis in the hands of independent, non-political specialists, as occurs in some states like Washington. 
 
Corporate tax cuts and regulatory rollbacks will enhance freedom. Accountability will strengthen community without trampling on liberty. And arresting entitlement inflation, including health spending, will make that community sustainable.
 
We have tried left of center activism (Obama) and big government conservatism (Bush). Neither pulled our nation back from the brink; each propelled us closer to the edge. The GOP is deeply divided between incumbents who relish the trappings of power and insurgents who wish to blow up everything. There is a leadership vacuum from the White House. Conservatives need a philosophy that matches our enormous challenges. An enduring community of freedom is a solid option.
 

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Oregon Transformation Newsletter is a project of
Third Century Solutions
Principals: Bridget Barton and Jim Pasero
Send comments to: Jim@ThirdCenturySolutions.com