August 2017 Newsletter
 

 

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Q & A with gubernatorial candidate and State Rep. Knute Buehler, R-Bend

 

In August, Phil Knight made the largest single individual political contribution in the state's history when he gave your 2018 gubernatorial campaign a half million dollars. In 2014, Knight contributed $250,000 to Gov. Kitzhaber. Why is Phil Knight supporting your campaign in such an emphatic way?

 

Phil Knight cares about the future of Oregon. He's certainly done his part in making Oregon a better place by building one of the world's great companies and continuing to grow it and invest in it here in Oregon. And his leadership and philanthropy, particularly with OHSU and the University of Oregon, will leave an incredible lasting legacy. But for all of Oregon's natural advantages, I think Phil Knight believes we face a tremendous leadership deficit in tackling some of Oregon's critical challenges: getting our state's fiscal house in order, reforming the state pension system, and improving our education system -- K-12 through higher education -- to name a few. Finally, his strong support of my candidacy is a powerful vote of confidence that a Republican, with a track record of independent leadership and bipartisan solutions, is the right profile to win a general election.

 

Allen Alley recently wrote about Oregon's finances, "The current payroll of all of state, county, city, police, fire and schools covered by PERS is about $10 billion a year. Our current cash payments only to existing retirees, is already 45 percent of our payroll and is rising. That is an astoundingly high number and already isn't sustainable."

 

Will PERS be the dominant issue of the 2018 general election campaign, assuming you win the Republican nomination next May? Do you have a plan to solve the PERS epidemic/problem?

 

Pension reform will be a critical issue in the election because we need to develop a consensus for change. It is crucial that we solve this problem so that those that depend on PERS have confidence the funds will be available when they need them. Likewise, it is essential we get more of our public dollars into the classroom, providing health care and other essential services instead of going to overhead. Kate Brown has refused to lead on this issue. Oregon schools aren't underfunded because Oregonians are undertaxed. They're underfunded because rising pension (and health care) costs are cannibalizing dollars for classroom learning. Sen. Tim Knopp has proposed a number of common sense reforms that I support, and there are more that I am confident will pass legal review. I've been advocating for PERS reforms since 2012 when I first ran for secretary of state. As the campaign unfolds, I'll detail my specific plan for pension reform.

 

In 2012, despite receiving every editorial endorsement in the state, you lost a race to then incumbent Kate Brown for secretary of state. After the defeat you told this newsletter, "When I ran for office, the criticism was that I didn't have any political experience. I took the criticism and decided to run for state representative." Former Democrat Secretary of State Phil Keisling said of you when you announced for the legislature, "I admire him. Very few people try for something pretty big, don't win, and then go back and do something local."

 

How much better prepared are you now for a rematch against Gov. Brown after two terms in the Oregon legislature?

 

On the political side, I've now run three competitive campaigns -- one statewide and two in Democrat-leaning Bend. Each time I've had the Democrat-government union-environmental activist machine working hard to defeat me. I've won twice and lost once. Running and winning in an 11 percent Democrat registration advantage district, carried overwhelmingly by Obama and Clinton, has prepared me for what I'll be up against running statewide against Kate Brown. This is the kind of political and campaign experience recent GOP candidates for governor haven't had.

 

In the past five years, I've built a statewide network of supporters and donors that has helped me not only win my tough campaigns in Bend, but has made our launch for governor so successful and strong. For example, setting aside the generous donation from Phil Knight, our campaign has raised more than $300,000 from over 1,300 grassroots donors since August 3. We've assembled a top-flight group of staff and advisors and have invested heavily in digital and social media tools that will pay off against Kate Brown. Building a statewide campaign is a big task and takes a lot of time. I'm not starting from scratch. And this is important because Kate Brown has just run a statewide campaign and has been running for office for 30 years.

 

On the policy and leadership side, serving for three years in the State House has been invaluable. It has provided me a front row seat to the mismanagement of the state and the lack of leadership provided by the governor. But I've also seen the nearly limitless potential our state possesses -- the talent, spirit, and resources just waiting to be unlocked. I've learned about issues facing every corner of our state -- from urban poverty to rural natural resource issues. I've learned how and which special interests stop progress toward common sense solutions. I've learned how state agencies, through rulemaking and personnel decisions can undermine the will of the people. I've learned what's required to pass important legislation because I've done it. I've seen, close up, why change and reform are so needed in Oregon.

 

Both running campaigns and serving in office has prepared me to be a competitive candidate and someone who can bring real change to state policy and government. I am prepared to win this tough election and, as important, to bring long overdue changes and reforms to state policy and government.

 

A minority of Republicans in Congress have spoken out against President Trump for his behavior/governing techniques. One of them, Arizona Sen. Jeff Flake, in his book "Conscience of a Conservative," writes, "We shouldn't hesitate to speak out if the president 'plays to his base' in ways that damage the Republican Party's ability to grow and speak to a larger audience." The president responded by tweeting, "Flake Jeff Flake," and Republicans in Arizona are promising a primary challenge against Sen. Flake next year.

 

Earlier this summer you also spoke out against President Trump on Facebook: "Being inexperienced, ill-tempered and even incompetent are not crimes, but impeding or obstructing justice is, so we need to fully understand what the president has done." Judging by the many hostile comments you received in response to your post, do you think you will have a problem with the Republican base in the gubernatorial primary?

 

As a legislator and candidate, I've spoken my mind and followed my conscience, even when I knew it would upset my friends and supporters in my own party. I'll do the same as governor. I think all Oregonians -- and all Republicans -- respect candor, honesty and sincere independent thinking. When the president is right, I will say so, and when he is wrong and it is needed, I will speak up. I am confident, however, that the values and issues that unite Oregon Republicans -- lower taxes, less regulation, limited government, individual liberty, providing opportunity and growth, support for free enterprise -- are more powerful than any short-term disagreements over personalities or politics. I don't have any personal litmus test for what it means to be a good Republican. I believe in Ronald Reagan's idea of party unity - that someone you agree with 80 percent isn't your 20 percent enemy, but your 80 percent friend.

 

Kate Brown and the Democrats want this election to be about national issues, personalities and politics because of her dismal record of failure as governor. Our job is to hold Kate Brown accountable for her failed record and make this election about the state and local issues critical to Oregon's future. That's what I intend to do.

 

You are a medical doctor. Recently medical doctors haven't fared too well in Oregon politics. That list includes Gov. John Kitzhaber, not to mention Republicans Monica Wehby and Bud Pierce. Doctors often are thought by voters to have a "god complex" and possess too little "common touch" with regular citizens. During your brief political career, you have been accused of demonstrating some of these traits. Is that fair? If not, how do you change that perception?

 

I would counter that lawyers have not fared so well either. But seriously, one thing I've learned running for office three times and serving in the legislature during the past few years is that there will always be people who will find faults in your personality, voting record, speaking style, campaign ads -- even your hair and clothes. And those are just your family members and closest supporters!

 

All I can do is be true to myself and work hard to improve as a candidate and a leader. Nobody is perfect and I'm committed to leading with an open mind, a thoughtful voice and a tolerant heart. I am always open to advice and counsel on policy matters or politics. I understand the responsibility I have to my supporters to be the best candidate I can be and to build and lead the best campaign possible to achieve victory. I can't do that alone. And, when elected governor, I'll need the talents of thousands of people to bring change and reform to state government. I look forward to opening the doors of state government leadership to the many Oregonians who have been shut out for decades due to Democrat dominance of state politics.

 

In the 2016 legislative session you voted for Oregon's "Clean Electricity and Coal Transition Act." Gov. Brown signed the bill into law in May 2016, making Oregon the first state in the nation to outlaw the use of coal by the year 2035 and mandating that the state's two largest utilities generate half their energy from renewable sources by the year 2040. Your vote angered some of the state's larger manufactures who saw their utility rates rise significantly. Some of those manufacturers are even past donors to your campaigns. Do you regret the vote? Or was it right thing to do for Oregon?

 

This was a tough call, but I believe it was the right vote for Oregon's future. The alternative to the bill, which was a looming ballot measure that would have been much more damaging and had a high likelihood of passing, was worse. This legislation provides utilities and their customers the path and predictability to plan for and accomplish a coal-free energy future with the least disruption and greatest predictability possible. It also invests in small businesses and our nascent renewable energy industry, positioning Oregon businesses to take advantage of future technologies and become national leaders in new energy sources. As governor, I'll be in a position to ensure this plan is implemented carefully and responsibly and that the promises made by utilities during the passage of this new law, including that rate increases would be limited, are kept and that Oregon businesses are given the opportunity to thrive.

 

In February of this month, Adam Andrzejewski of OpenTheBooks.com published an article on Forbes.com detailing how Gov. Kate Brown and Attorney General Ellen Rosenbaum reaped $805,876 in campaign cash since 2012 from businesses who hold contracts with the Oregon government worth $2.6 billion.

 

You responded to the revelations by introducing legislation in this last session restricting "pay-to-play" politics. What happened to the legislation you introduced? Why have Oregonians allowed businesses and unions to be "too cozy" with elected officials who oversee their contracts?

 

Governor Brown and the Salem Democrats have no interest in opening the curtain to the cozy relationship that exists between the government unions and Democrat policy makers who have controlled state government for decades. They killed the bill. It's why winning this election is so important.

 

In the wake of the Kitzhaber-Hayes scandal, I also introduced and ultimately passed legislation to give greater rights and protections to whistle-blowers in state government who want to root out corruption and waste. I had been outspoken in protecting the whistle-blower from threatened legal action by the attorney general. Frankly, with a few exceptions, I felt the response by my Republican colleagues to the Kitzhaber scandal was too timid. This scandal was about more than just the governor and his girlfriend; it represents a culture of arrogance, intimidation and entitlement by the entire Salem ruling class.

 

What do you consider to be your most important pieces of legislation in your two sessions in the Oregon legislature? What's the best idea you've had so far that you've been unable to enact?

 

There are three accomplishments of which I'm very proud. First, passing legislation to make contraception functionally available for over-the-counter purchase for Oregon women without needing permission from a doctor or insurance company; second, passing legislation to strengthen the state response to opioid addiction; and third, I helped author a plan to fund the Oregon Medicaid program for one year without passing a new sales tax on health insurance policies. With health care costs rising, it makes no sense to make health insurance more expensive. What's worse is that the current chaos, incompetence and corruption surrounding the Oregon Medicaid program only underscores the need for greater accountability, oversight and reforms to ensure health care dollars are being spent wisely and efficiently. Kate Brown is currently defending the indefensible and refusing to come together and pass bipartisan Medicaid reforms during a special session later this year.

 

The most important ideas that were blocked by Democrats were those that sought to fix our failing education system. For example, I worked with Rep. Mark Johnson on legislation that would have given grants to schools and community-based organizations to ensure every kid is able to read by third grade -- a critical point in their academic and intellectual development. But the Democrats rejected the proposal. Similarly, I introduced legislation to create innovative inter-educational partnerships and P-20 campuses, leveraging academic resources across the spectrum to provide the best education from beginning to end. And I proposed an idea to create Children's Savings Accounts -- effectively college savings accounts -- for every child born in Oregon. These accounts would have been connected to financial and academic incentives, tying them to desired outcomes such as school attendance and graduation. All of these (and more) were rejected by Democrat leadership in favor of the status quo.

 

In 1994, you helped pass campaign finance reform by statewide ballot measure. When we interviewed you in 2015, you were supporting a concept from Sen. Elizabeth Warren called the People's Pledge, where candidates voluntarily agree to limit overall campaign spending and independent expenditures. In light of the $500,000 check Phil Knight has given your campaign, have you changed your position on campaign finance reform?

 

I am a competitive person, and I run to win. I play by the rules as I find them, not as I would like them to be.

 

What's changed for me is that I now realize more than ever that it's impossible for a challenger to defeat an incumbent governor, particularly in a state dominated by Democrats, powerful special interest groups and government unions for so long, if significant limits are placed on political speech.

 

In 2014, Gov. Brown defeated Republican Bud Pierce with 50 percent of the vote to his 43 percent. Since her election, opinion polls have consistently scored the governor's approval number in the low 50s. A recent poll now shows that number dropping below 50 percent. Last month, Democrat State Sen. Betsy Johnson said this about Gov. Brown's leadership style: "House Speaker Tina Kotek dominated in this legislative session more than Gov. Brown. The governor is pleasant and has enthusiasm, but she has yet to rise to the challenge of acting independently of the unions, or for that matter, her party politics." How would you assess Gov. Brown's leadership of Oregon?

 

First let me say that I greatly admire Sen. Johnson, and when I'm governor, I hope I can lean on her for advice, partnership and leadership. Her take on Governor Brown is accurate, but I'll clarify further.

 

Governor Brown has been a disaster for Oregon. She has placed an ultra-liberal agenda ahead of what's best for hardworking Oregon families. She has refused to lead on critical education, pension, health care and budget reforms. Oregon's high school graduation and drop-out rates are a disgrace, yet Kate Brown does nothing. She takes Oregon businesses and job creators for granted -- seeing them merely as a source of revenue to fund her bigger and bigger government. She has unleashed government regulators to block worthwhile, environmentally-sound infrastructure projects and to harass law-abiding businesses. At a time of record revenues flowing into state government, and even after voters decisively rejected Measure 97, she has been relentless in her support of higher and new taxes. Rather than measuring success by how well we are creating opportunity and prosperity for Oregonians, success has only been measured by how fast she can grow the state's budget. Kate Brown is the most liberal, partisan and ideologically-driven governor in Oregon history.

 

How damaging to the state's business and cultural environment have 30 years of one-party rule been to Oregon? What is your governing vision for Oregon?

 

Thirty-years of Democrat control of state government has left Oregon adrift economically and divided culturally and socially.

 

Oregon's shrinking middle class with too many people being left behind and left out is the direct result of anti-business policies that have reached their zenith under Kate Brown and Tina Kotek during the past two legislative sessions and with Measure 97 -- the $6 billion gross receipts tax. Consider the totality of 30 years of excessive regulatory rulemaking, revolving door political appointments, liberal judicial appointments, cow-towing to government union bosses and anti-business rhetoric.

 

Perhaps there is no worse example of the consequence of one-party dominance of state government than the failures in Oregon's education system. For nearly a decade, Oregon schools have ranked the near the bottom in education quality despite increased spending by the state. Our graduation and drop-out rates are a disgrace. Yet, Kate Brown and Democrat leaders just shrug their shoulders in resignation. Or worse, claim that hiring a new staff person, creating another work group, or commissioning a report will solve the problems they've either created or have ignored. They simply refuse to take on the teachers and other government unions who are obstructionist to reform, choosing instead to defend their special interest groups at the expense of Oregon children. It's appalling. This is unacceptable in the Oregon we love.

 

Another example of problems resulting from one-party power politics is the current scandals associated with Oregon Medicaid's program and Governor Brown's unwillingness to find bipartisan solutions to fix them. No one doubts the importance of providing health care and health security to Oregon families that need it. But in the face of massive technology cost overruns, huge questions of eligibility, ongoing personnel defections, and a Nixon-like scandal to discredit agency opponents, Governor Brown continues to place ideology and partisan politics ahead of good government. Worse, the mismanagement and ongoing scandals jeopardize Oregon's long-term ability to provide health care for vulnerable families, leaving them scared and uncertain about their future access to care. This is unacceptable in the Oregon we love.

 

My governing vision is to restore a moderate center in Oregon politics where good ideas from Republicans, Democrats and Independents can move Oregon forward. If Democrats continue to hold majorities in the legislature, I won't be afraid to use my veto pen to block extreme legislation.

 

My top priority will be to reform the state budget and control spending so we can put an end to endless demands for more revenue from higher taxes. I will reform the state pension system to redirect dollars back into classroom learning. I will insist on academic reforms to boost student achievement and attack failing graduation rates. I will resist excessive regulations that kill jobs. I envision Oregon's universities and colleges as an essential ingredient in boosting incomes, attracting and creating new businesses and improving Oregon's knowledge-based and innovation economy. I will be a relentless supporter of Oregon's traditional natural resource industries -- timber, farming, ranching and fishing.

 

Unlike Kate Brown, I will be a governor for all Oregonians, not the collection of interest groups that dominate one particular political party. I recognize that Oregon is a Democrat-leaning state, but that doesn't make Oregon as liberal as Kate Brown and the elected Democrats in Salem think it is. I believe I can be a unifying governor by governing with moderation, leading with inclusion, and challenging all Oregonians to create a much better Oregon. Oregon possesses a wealth of natural resources, an entrepreneurial spirit, and extraordinary people. We should strive to be the best place in the nation to live, work and play.

 

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Balancing, Bungling and Burning
Forest Service policies draw fire


We live in an age when citizens are suspicious of government, and sometimes they have good reasons.

 

In the case of the Whitewater Fire, where 10,000 acres are burning mostly out of control in the Mt. Jefferson Wilderness area, the United States Forest Service (USFS) may have a lot to answer for this summer.

 

In the Statesman Journal article, "How the Whitewater Fire ignited, spread and burned down Oregon's eclipse plans," reporter Zach Urness wrote about the lightning strike from a June storm that hit a tree near Jefferson Park, "Nobody was aware of the strike tree or smoldering spark, multiple Forest Service officials said."

 

He added a somewhat defensive qualifier from Willamette National Forest Service Supervisor Tracy Beck who said, "We can't check every tree in the forest."

 

Urness wrote, "It was a lightning strike that wasn't detected, that sat smoldering in a tree for almost a month, that would spark Oregon's second largest wildfire of the summer so far." He also wrote that once detected, the USFS "hit it with everything they had."

 

According to landowners near the Mt. Jefferson Wilderness area, the USFS account is fiction. They aren't buying it.

 

Detroit district ranger Grady McMahan told worried landowners that the Forest Service knew about the smoldering tree right after the initial lightning strike. Yet, that's not what the Statesman Journal reported.

 

Here's what others on the fringes of the fire say actually happened: The lightening strike hit the tree on June 26, and the fire ignited when the smoldering tree fell on July 23. The Forest Service had been monitoring the situation for over three weeks before it flared up on July 23. Once the fire did pick up, the Forest Service remained on the sidelines until it was outside of the Wilderness. By then, it was too late to contain the fire.

 

The same Forest Service pattern -- inaction until the fire was out of control -- also occurred this summer with the much larger Chetco Bar Fire, which now is over 100,000 acres and threatens the town of Brookings.

 

The Chetco Bar Fire started on July 12 when lightning hit a snag in the Kalmiopsis Wilderness area, almost exactly the same place where the Biscuit Fire started in 2002. For weeks, the fire remained under an acre and could have been easily extinguished by the Forest Service. Then, in August, the winds changed, and the fire grew out of control.

 

In the case of the Whitewater Fire, some industry insiders believe that the USFS is negligent in their initial inaction to fight or contain the fire. Because of USFS inaction, taxpayers are out millions so far, and the ongoing fire threatens a huge monetary loss to the owners of private timberlands adjacent to the Mt. Jefferson Wilderness area, not to mention the loss of the wilderness itself.

 

So, what's the motive for the Forest Service not giving a straight story to the Statesman Journal and other media? Half of the Forest Service's budget is for fighting fires in national forests, so the problem is not resources. It is more likely ideology, and just plain regulation overkill.

 

What drove the Forest Service's possible negligence in this summer's non-suppression of the Whitewater and Chetco Bar fires?

 

McMahan said this to reporter Urness about the Forest Service actions: "Our goal was to put the fire out, while protecting wilderness characteristics and private land and structures. It is a difficult balancing act."

 

Here's an example of that balancing act: If a fire breaks out on private timberlands or on national forest acres that are harvested for timber production, the Forest Service is allowed to use mechanized equipment to put out the fire -- chain saws, helicopters, etc. But if a fire occurs in a wilderness area, in this case the Mt. Jefferson Wilderness area, even if that area is just a few miles away from national forest or private timber, no mechanized equipment is allowed to fight the fires -- not even chain saws.

 

Raise your hand if you think it's a good idea to burn down our wilderness areas when suppression could be as easy as a single helicopter water drop on a single lightening-hit tree.

 

For neighboring landowners, there is no recourse if a fire spreads from a federal wilderness area, causing massive financial losses. Landowners cannot sue the federal government, but the federal government can sue a private landowner if a fire spreads from their property onto federal lands. Jim Geisinger of Associated Oregon Loggers believes this kind of federal hypocrisy is "just criminal."

 

For the Forest Service, fighting fires in wilderness areas is a bit like what happens to the U.S. military when fighting an asymmetrical war, bogged down by the Pentagon's "Rules of Engagement." No wonder the Forest Service might be less than candid with the media.

 

What this bureaucratic balancing and bungling doesn't do is help the 700 firefighters contain the Whitewater Fire, or help the 1,400 firefighters fight the Chetco Bar Fire -- not to mention the 28 miles of the Pacific Coast Trail now closed, or the anxiety Brookings residents feel when they receive evacuation notices from the USFS.

 

Private timber owners can't sue, but maybe the city of Brookings can sue for lost tourism revenue, etc. It's time to look for ways to stop this madness.

 

Thousands of acres of wilderness area burned down, national forest decimated, private timberlands destroyed, structures and lives at risk or worse, and smoke-filled skies that choke the life out of summer for hundreds of thousands of Oregonians, causing health problems and loading carbon into the air by the ton.

 

That's not fire policy, that's a tragedy. And it's also dishonest.

 

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The Oregon Transportation Package Travesty
Part two in a two-part series: Two deceptions to ponder while you sit in traffic

By Steve Schopp

 

During this session of the Oregon legislature, $5.3 billion in transportation spending was just approved. Unfortunately, it is an Oregon transportation travesty.

 

It's not all bad -- spending of $5.3 billion is bound to accomplish many things throughout the state. Legislators got all sorts of things for their home districts to help them get reelected.

 

This two-part article addresses the two most offensive elements: no funding, just unapproved tolling and the TriMet bailout.

 

Part II: The TriMet bailout

The current payroll tax revenue stream provides TriMet with roughly $300 million per year for their operations, light rail debt service, pension liabilities or whatever else they see fit. House Bill 2017 imposes a new statewide 0.1 percent income/payroll tax for transit.

 

How much will TriMet get?

 

Because the bill specifies that the proceeds will be allocated proportionate to the amount of "tax paid in the area of the respective qualified entity in which the public transportation service provider provides services," TriMet will likely be getting a windfall of about $40 million a year.

 

So, that's another $40 million per year (and growing as the economy grows). Forever. Taxpayer alert: There is no sunset clause.

 

The bill also specifies, "If more than one mass transit district or transportation district is located within a single county, the commission shall distribute the moneys to the larger district."

 

Wilsonville's SMART and other area transit districts are out of luck? That's a raw deal to taxpayers who support these regional public transit systems.

 

The bill also specifies that the proceeds cannot be spent on light rail.

 

Right ...

 

This is where it gets dastardly. Although that may have reassured the few Republicans who voted for the deceitful bill, TriMet has a long history of making their funding as fungible as they need it to be. They also have a long history of misappropriation, mostly by using new revenue in ways not intended when the funding was approved. Worse yet, when the legislature is repeatedly alerted to the pattern, they repeat the same enabling habit of trusting TriMet's assurances on how they will use new funding.

 

In short, TriMet repeatedly makes promises that they know no one will ever hold them to.

 

Simply put, TriMet is most likely to use this new Transit Tax windfall to fund current operations, which will free up their current revenue for debt servicing more light rail and bus rapid transit boondoggles, along with pension and health care liabilities, or anything else they want.

 

After all the hard-fought grassroots battles to try to stop TriMet's madness, the legislature gave them the means to perpetuate more of the same for years to come.

 

Add that to the unfunded pretense of the big three highway improvements that were discussed last month, and we just got soaked.

 

If you are among those, like most of the media, who celebrated this new transportation package, perhaps while you sit in traffic (you'll have years to do this) you can reread and rethink what the legislature just did to all of us.

 

It's a travesty.

 

The Mother of All Bubbles
Part Three in a Three-Part Series

 

By Philip J. Romero

 
In part one, we described how colleges have become the mother of all asset bubbles. Then in part two, we discussed four value propositions to consider before making a decision about college. Now, armed with information about the real value of college, and the particular college of your choice, it's decision time.
 
So, should you send your kids to college? Unquestionably, if they have aptitude and passion for the handful of fields still taught rigorously, like sciences and engineering. Otherwise, consider the following heretical notions:
  • Encourage them to work for a few years first. For many kids, a job will be the very first time they have really been accountable to high performance standards. If they think their teachers are tough, wait until they meet their boss.
  • Not only will such mundane work build character, it will motivate your kids to take college seriously, so they can leave drudgery far behind. Nothing helps kids truly consider their career choice like eight hours a day of prepping other people's lattes.
  • Insist that your kids research salaries and employment prospects for several occupations that interest them, so they are realistic about their economic prospects. Ask them, "What can you do if your occupation is eliminated?"
  • Since you will probably be paying 75+ percent of the cost, you are entitled to veto authority over their choice of school and major. Keep paradigm busting and intellectual rigor, not superficial prestige, in mind.
  • Do not exclude less expensive approaches, such as a three-year degree or earning credits at a community college (or advanced placement in high school) to transfer to a four-year university. Certainly these are less prestigious and may be modestly less educationally powerful. But shortening the years of indentured servitude your kids must suffer paying off student debt is a very fair price to pay.
 
Finally, if you have a bright kid who simply is not interested in a white-collar career or higher education of any kind, encourage the work-first plan. Either they will be happy without a degree (for which you can be thankful), or they will be far more unhappy than you could have hoped. A couple of years of minimum-wage work can produce a superstar college student. 
 

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Oregon Transformation Newsletter is a project of
Third Century Solutions
Principals: Bridget Barton and Jim Pasero
Send comments to: Jim@ThirdCenturySolutions.com