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Q & A with Dr. Lucia Martinez Valdivia, Reed College Professor

 

Your title at Reed College is assistant professor of English and Humanities. Describe in non-academic terms what you teach and why you became a professor in early modern English poetry?

 

Put simply, I teach poetry written in England from roughly 1530 to 1660, usually focusing on the intersection between poetry, music, and religion. One of the main goals in what I do in the classroom and in my research is to resist the separation of what we might traditionally label highbrow or "literary" poetry from works written for a more popular or general audience. Just as classical and pop music are both recognized as "music," "poetry" is a category that contains a wide variety of texts that are all worthy of study.

 

I've always been fascinated by travel, and for me that's meant traveling through time as much as traveling through space. Reading early modern poetry lets me travel into the past and hear the voices of people whose lives were utterly different from mine and to imagine and feel things I could otherwise never experience.

 

 

On February 12, you will speak at a symposium, "Speech on Campus: When Protests Turn Extreme," at Arizona State University College of Law with Middlebury College professor Allison Stanger. Stangerwas seriously injured last March as she participated in an event featuring controversial political/social/demographic thinker Charles Murray. Do you have trepidation about the event? Do you fear for your safety there or on your own campus? Do you believe you have an obligation to defend free speech, as a citizen, as a professor, or as an intellectual role model for your students?

 

No, of course I don't have any trepidation about this event or my participation in it. I'm looking forward to an evening of intelligent conversation and hopefully debate about the questions surrounding speech and university life and missions, and I have no reason to fear for my safety. More than safety, the issue that has concerned me most in the past has been about walking into a hostile work environment, which is substantially different than choosing to walk into debates, which can be difficult or confrontational.

 

The decisions made by every educator about their obligations and duties are deeply personal, and, just as I wouldn't want them prescribed to me, I'm not going to prescribe them to anyone else. The ethical expectations I have of myself are of speaking up when I see something I feel is wrong and of doing so publicly in a way that has sometimes been described as showing a reckless disregard for my own well-being. In my case, I've found that it does me more harm than good to bite my tongue about things that matter deeply to me. That's who I am, and inevitably I think that transfers into the classroom, especially an intimate discussion-based class like those typical of Reed. While I'm sure it can be intimidating, I hope that ultimately, my students are empowered by my example.

 

 

What's your political background? Did the Reedies Against Racism (RAR) have a point in their more-than-yearlong militant protest against your class Humanities 110 (Hum 110)? Were you surprised that this story would capture the attention of national and international publications such as the Economist, The Atlantic, The Washington Post and Huffington Post, or that you would acquire a national reputation as a defender of free speech on campus?

 

I was raised by socialists and identify that way myself, though perhaps in a way that would be recognized as more politically mainstream in Europe than it is here. I'm absolutely a leftist, but again, I think that means differently in the U.S. in 2018 than it did and has for me as I grew up and came into my own political mindset. My childhood in the '80s and '90s was divided between Missouri and Peru, and my mother, who's been my strongest political influence, is a Marxist professor of economics and leftist. That was always completely separate from the violent Maoism of Shining Path, the terrorist group active in Peru responsible for the assassination of thousands of innocent people whose only crime was not agreeing with their ideology, which I suspect some people in the U.S. today would also misguidedly identify as "leftist."

 

I think -- I know -- that racism is a real problem today both in the United States and worldwide. It is so deeply ingrained in our culture that most of us can't see the ways in which we exhibit it, and we must reflect consciously on how we move through the world and how we treat both the people we know and, almost more importantly, those whom we don't. I would hope that's an idea on which we can all agree, but sometimes the style of messaging can get in the way of the message itself, which is ultimately the thing that matters most. In my experience, more flies are caught with honey than with vinegar and callouts, especially if the goal is ideally to change people's minds rather than merely silence their voices. The latter's a temporary fix, and what we really need is a cure.

 

 

In October 2017, more than a year into the students' protests, you published an op-ed in The Washington Post, stating,"Professors like me can't stay silent about this extremist moment on campuses." The article received thousands of comments, almost all positive, on your views. You wrote, "Three times a week, students sat in the lecture space holding signs -- many too obscene to be printed here -- condemning the course and its faculty as white supremacists, anti-black, as not open to dialogue and criticism on the grounds that we continue to teach, among other things, Aristotle and Plato."

 

How did The Washington Post know about this issue? And why did you take over a year to say "yes" to their repeated requests for commentary?

 

An Opinion editor at the Post had reached out to me a year earlier for my thoughts on classroom dynamics surrounding free speech, and at the time, I was advised that, as a junior and untenured faculty member, the wisest course for my career would be to keep my head down and focus on my official duties. Though I didn't agree with it, the thinking was that if we ignored the conversation, it would go away. That clearly wasn't true, and I came to the decision that I had to speak up precisely because of one of the responsibilities of my job as I understand it: to teach by modeling careful, consistent, and nuanced reasoning. I also felt an obligation to say what I thought for ethical reasons, as well as for my own well-being. It's not healthy for anyone, much less an academic, to censor her thinking.

 

 

An article in the Economist this fall listed your past crimes in the eyes of student protestors. They were as follows: "She was a race traitor, who upheld white supremacist principles by failing to oppose the Humanities syllabus. She was anti-black because she appropriated black slang by wearing a T-shirt that said, 'Poetry is Lit.' She was an ableist because she believes trigger warnings sometimes diminish sexual trauma. She was also called a 'gaslighter' for making disadvantaged students doubt their own feelings of oppression."

 

In a comment on a fellow academic's blog post discussing the incident, you wrote, "I am intimidated by these students. I am scared to teach courses on race, gender or sexuality or even texts that bring these issues up in any way."

 

What methods did the students use to intimidate you? How effective were they? And what toll does this continue to take on your teaching and on you personally?

 

I think the holding of signage that attacks both what people do and people themselves in their workplace can be a very effective form of intimidation depending on the targeted individuals. The toll it took physically was substantial, but I've felt my usual and stronger self again since the publication of that op-ed piece. As an educator, the effect of this whole process -- of working in a protested environment, of examining how and what I teach -- has led me to start exploring the possibilities for programming higher education coursework outside the confines of campus and instead turning to an environment I hadn't previously considered teaching: prisons. When it comes to the liberal arts, Oregon's carceral education options are sorely limited, in particular compared to programs in the Midwest and on the East Coast. Some efforts, like the Bard Prison Initiative, are allowing incarcerated students to earn degrees for the first time, and I hope that eventually something similar can be developed in Oregon. We're national leaders in many ways when it comes to liberal causes, and there's no reason why we can't do so in ways that effect disenfranchised members of our population.

 

 

In your Washington Post op-ed you responded in greater length and depth about the deeper more intellectual disconnect:

 

"Nuance has largely been dismissed from the debate about speech raging on college campuses. Absolutist posture and the binary reign supreme. You are pro- or anti-radical or fascist, angel or demon. Even small differences of opinion are seized on and characterized as moral and intellectual failures, unacceptable thought crimes that cancel out anything else you might say.

 

"No one should have to pass someone else's ideological purity test to be allowed to speak. University life -- along with civic life -- dies without the free exchange of ideas."

 

What ails our culture when nuance and critical thinking have been, as you say, largely dismissed from our college campus debates? Where does this intolerance come from?

 

I'm not sure whether this dismissal is a symptom of a problem, as you're describing it, or the source of it. I suspect that it's incubated in virtual echo chambers, and have often wondered whether Tumblr in particular, more than other preceding and subsequent social media platforms, was responsible for starting the trend for these. Tumblr allows users to blacklist tags so that they never come across certain content they find difficult, uncomfortable, or "harmful" -- anything from pictures of people making eye contact with a camera to subject matter like rape and suicide -- and can essentially enter a world in which those things don't exist. A user can curate content so that any ideas with which they don't agree are eventually filtered out by keyword, and that can, I think, make it easy to block out other people entirely. This effaces the fact that while we might not agree with someone on everything, that doesn't mean we don't still have a lot to discuss, and possibly even a lot in common, assuming that matters. In some ways, we've learned to see people not as individuals with lots of different and differing thoughts and opinions, but people as those thoughts and ideas. No one thinks identically to anyone else, and that is what attention to nuance can help us remember.

 

 

An article by Chris Bodenner of The Atlantic, "The Surprising Revolt at the Most Liberal College in the Country," chronicles a moment last fall when freshmen students at Reed College took back their humanities class. "When a few professors got into a heated exchange with RAR leaders, an African-American freshman in the front row stands up and raises his arms: 'This is a classroom! This is not the place! Right now we are trying to learn! We're the freshmen students!' The room erupts with applause."

 

What were you feeling when this freshman took back his classroom, your classroom? Should this be the college's job, or was the organic way that it happened a better learning experience for all involved?

 

I suspect that while this was perhaps the least difficult way to resolve the protest in the classroom, it ended up shifting a responsibility that was properly the purview of the college to ensure an undisrupted learning environment for all of its students. Ultimately, however, I think this more organic resolution was one that empowered our newest students in a constructive way, and I hope everyone involved can agree that was a positive outcome.

 

 

You begin the introductory lecture of your humanities class this way: "I'm Lucia Martinez Valdivia, and in addition to Hum 110, I teach in the English department, focusing on sixteenth- and seventeenth-century poetry and how it intersects with music, history, and religion. I'm female, mixed race, American and Peruvian, gay, atheist, and relatively young. I study poetry that is basically the opposite of me: male, British, straight, God-fearing, 500 years old. And I love it."

 

How do the students usually react to this statement? You ask them as a prerequisite for your course to "embrace the texts." Are they willing to do this? Are you just an old soul fighting an uphill battle? Are the "classic" texts of our civilization in decline or on a comeback?

 

The statement I make about my identity is meant to illustrate both that it has little to do with what interests me intellectually and, perhaps contradictorily, that I am most curious about things that are unlike me. This is perhaps a trite idea, but for me the point of reading literature is for the windows they offer onto the lives and cultures of others, not for a mirror in which to see myself. In asking students to embrace texts, to say "yes" to them before saying "no," that means that we should take them seriously, considering their ideas and reasoning rigorously. If we end up agreeing with them, that's all well and good, but if we disagree with them, we should know why and how those points of disagreement arise if we want to refute them, or even if we just want to understand how other people think.

 

I think our "classic" texts are fine, and are being enriched and sustained by the conversations resulting from putting them into conversation with new classics. While syllabi are necessarily finite collections of text, the canon, or canons more generally, are not: there's room for everyone without the need for exclusion of what's come previously. The new and the old can and should exist together, throwing both innovation and tradition into relief in productive ways. 

 

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Job Losses with Cap-and-Trade

By Dr. Eric Fruits

 

A group of Oregon lawmakers are urging the legislature to use the upcoming 35 day session to pass a carbon cap-and-trade scheme for the state. In the rush to push through the bill, the legislators have largely ignored how the projected increases in energy prices will harm employment in manufacturing and other key sectors -- including the public sector.

 

The cap-and-trade scheme will hit transportation the hardest. Oregon already has something like the fifth highest gas prices in the U.S. Gasoline and diesel prices are sure to rise. It's likely Oregonians will pay about $4 a gallon for gas. But, it could be even more. Even proponents of the proposals have no reliable estimates of how much fuel prices will increase.

 

These higher fuel prices will ripple throughout the entire economy. Last year, a study published by FTI Consulting found that Oregon's manufacturing sector would be "highly impacted" by a cap-and-trade scheme.

 

Nine states in the Northeast have a cap-and-trade system, known as the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, or RGGI. Since 2012, RGGI states have lost 3.7 percent of their manufacturing jobs. Over the same period, states that are not in the RGGI have seen their manufacturing jobs increase by 5.8 percent. Oregon -- which is not in the RGGI -- had a 13 percent increase in manufacturing employment.

 

 

One version of the bill exempts semiconductor manufacturers from the cap-and-trade scheme. However, this exemption does nothing for the steep price hikes for electricity, natural gas, gasoline, and diesel that every business and nonprofit will face.

 

In both versions of the bill, "emissions-intensive, trade-exposed" businesses would get free permits, while other non-favored businesses would have to buy their permits through the auction process. The authors of the bill don't seem to know which business would qualify for the "emissions-intensive, trade-exposed" giveaway, so the decision will be punted to the bureaucrats. So far, paper and pulp mills and food processors are arguing their industries should receive free permits under this provision. Businesses without a strong lobbying presence will likely miss out on the exemptions. If you are not at the dinner table, then you are the dinner.

 

State and local governments -- even school districts -- will see their budgets get devoured by high and rising prices just to keep their lights on and their buildings heated. In fact, FTI calculates that state and local government will see the biggest job losses of any employment sector in the state.

 

Cap-and-trade is a massive and radical change for the state. Lawmakers should spend more time digging deep into the job impacts before they impose this scheme on Oregon's fragile economy.

?eric.fruits@gmail.com

 

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Magic Beans

By Philip J. Romero

 

Late December was fourth and long, deep in friendly territory for the GOP Congressional leadership. This last-ditch situation explains their oddly-timed obsession with tax reform, in Year Nine of an economic expansion. The push had less to do with economic urgency than desperation to deliver a legislative accomplishment. Two similar bills were passed by the House in mid-November and the Senate in early December.

 

Because our tax system is an unholy kludge of targeted loopholes and special rates designed by a mad economic engineer, any attempt at simplification will capsize thousands of business plans built on the status quo. Some of the specific opponents of the current bills include:

  • The real estate industry, which relies on a very generous home mortgage tax deduction to boost demand for its product;
  •  University presidents, who argue that a tax on large endowments will deny college access to poor students dependent on university financial aid;
  • Some small businesses, who argue that corporate tax rate reductions will mainly go to large firms;
  • Progressives, who rebel at the modest rate-flattening that the bills contemplate.

The sum of these and other opposition propelled more GOP senators into the "no" column than the party could afford. This required significant sausage-making in the final days before the two houses approved a reconciled bill in late December, signed by President Trump a few days before Christmas. The final legislation is a hybrid of three different philosophies:

  • Supply-side economics, in its core corporate tax rate cut--its most compelling feature;
  • Keynesian stimulus, in the individual rate cuts (although diluted by their temporary status);
  • Partisan politics, by capping deductions for state and local taxes, most prevalent in Blue states.

...and that is the problem. Depending on your viewpoint, this mixture is either a nuanced synthesis or a total mongrelization. As I argued in October, tax reform has faced severe obstacles in part because the GOP Congress is operating without a philosophical rudder. It explains why the bill was so unpopular: It was easy for opponents to cherry-pick elements of the legislation to oppose and ignore other elements that may weaken their case. While faith-based approaches can have a place in social policy, tinkering with our multi-trillion dollar tax system is too important for faith-based economics.

 

Conservatives' faith is that lower taxes will always generate more employment and more jobs. They point to the nearly $3 trillion in accumulated profits that U.S. multinationals have stashed overseas -- in countries with lower tax rates than the U.S. -- and argue that a lower corporate tax rate (the core of the reform legislation) will encourage repatriation of that stash, which will be used to invest in new factories and machinery and create job opportunities.

 

The problem with this faith is recent history: Profits as a share of the economy are at record levels already, yet business investment has been declining for decades. Further, an uptick investment may not yield more jobs or wages: businesses are rapidly automating many types of work, so while more investment may accelerate productivity growth, which may also depress job numbers. All of the workers furloughed by automation will crowd into the lower end of the labor market, driving down wages, continuing the two-generation decline in real incomes for works with less education and skills.

 

In other words, many economists would argue that this version of tax reform is a handful of magic beans. How, exactly, do higher corporate profits translate into higher economic growth?

In the beginning, advocates made eye-popping claims about the economic growth in prospect from tax reform. In the presidential campaign President Trump touted a turbo-charged economy that would grow at 6 percent per year (vs. barely 2 percent since the recession). Treasury Secretary Mnuchin has claimed that the economic acceleration will be enough to offset revenue losses from tax cuts. Friendly economists are less extravagant, but still argue for GDP growth rates of 3-4 percent per year. The underlying premise is, again, that increased returns on capital will lead to more investment, which will employ more workers more productively, earning them higher wages.

 

Opponents have their own fetishes. One is "trickle down economics," meant as a gibe since it supposedly "never worked." In caricature, this argues that reduced taxes to upper income taxpayers do not translate (trickle down) to the middle class, for reasons opponents never explain. This is only partly true. The direct beneficiaries of corporate tax cuts are shareholders, who are presumed to be rich; but through their retirement plans vast swathes of middle class Americans are stockholders.

 

The most prevalent liberal fetish is "fairness." It is inarguable that changes in the structure of the economy over the past few generations have skewed the income distribution, so liberals believe the tax code should balance the scales. Liberals are not unique in using the tax code for societal architecture, but conservatives tend to focus on incenting investment (by favored industries), and liberals on incomes policy.

 

One argument that liberals omit is the corrosive effect of tax unfairness on democracy. By many measures America's social and political cohesion is unraveling. It is hard to vest legitimacy in a democracy that treats similarly situated people so differently, depending on the proficiency of their lobbyists. Our tax system isn't as progressive as it seems because the wealthy can employ helpers to shield income from taxation -- so much that Warren Buffett reports he pays a lower effective tax rate than his secretary.

 

This is where real tax simplification could command wide support. Liberals could embrace the enhanced fairness of a simpler tax code, while conservatives will value the elimination of distortions the current code encourages. The only opponents will be the army of accountants and attorneys who make their living arbitrating the present honeycomb of loopholes.

 

Another fair criticism of the present reform is that the timing isn't propitious: by conventional statistics, the economy does not have many slack resources to put to work, and unemployment is at near-record lows. The Fed has already begun tightening, an act this column has been advocating since early 2016. The $1-1.5 trillion in added debt over the next ten years may oblige the Fed to impose greater monetary stringency that will dampen reform's growth impact.

 

Will the enacted law be a step forward? Yes, but only a tiny one that has been grossly over-advertised: hyped by advocates desperate for a legislative win; demonized by critics whipping up their base for the midterm elections. Both supporters and opponents have religious zeal. But this topic cries out for a Copernican Revolution.

 

Is Oregon's Hipster Electorate Growing Up?

 

Does it matter if Oregon Democratic candidates running for statewide office in 2016 received only on average 48 percent of the vote as compared to 55 percent for all Oregon Democrats running for federal offices? Republicans on the other hand received 43 percent for statewide offices versus 37 percent for federal ones. Democrats won three out of four elections for statewide offices and five of the six federal elections in 2016.

Does it matter in terms of Gov. Brown's re-election chances in 2018? 

 

In the last three Oregon gubernatorial elections in Oregon, 2010, 2014, and 2016, the winning Democratic candidate has not received 50 or more percent of the vote.  Does the inability of Oregon Democrats to receive more than 50 percent of the vote for statewide offices signal at last a maturing Oregon electorate, suspicious of the dominance that public employee unions have had over Oregon politics for the last generation?   

 

Democrats in Oregon have not lost a race for governor in 35 years. This is the longest current political winning streak in the nation. Not since the end of Civil War Reconstruction has the nation seen such dominance of the statehouse by one political party. So how in the first referendum on Donald Trump could Democrats be worried about losing blue Oregon?

 

Consider this:

 

Five out of the last six governors in the state of Massachusetts have been Republican, yet the state's legislature is bluer than in Oregon, with Republicans only holding 6 of 40 Senate seats and 34 of 160 seats in the Massachusetts state house. So why, despite these overwhelming numbers, has the statehouse stayed for the better part of four decades in Republican hands?

 

Because the Massachusetts electorate is sophisticated and knows that no matter how partisan the state may be, the smart thing to do is to keep one office -- the chief executive office -- in Republican hands. That's what a sophisticated electorate who wants to keep a state solvent understands.

 

Oregon, by contrast, is not a sophisticated electorate, with half the population having moved to the state in the last generation. In 1990, the population of Oregon was 2.8 million. Today the population is well over 4 million. Oregon is preparing to add an additional congressional seat in 2022.

 

Before the 1990s, when Oregon flipped dramatically to a blue state, Oregon had been the most Republican of all U.S. states, at least on the presidential level, with Oregon voting for the GOP in every presidential election from 1948 to 1984, with the exception being 1964. In those days, Oregon was as Republican as say, Indiana, Nebraska, Kansas, South Dakota and Alaska. 

 

But when Oregon turned blue it turned a hard, deep shade of blue, and it was fast. The influx of so many new hipster residents to Portland during the 1990s and beyond changed the electorate dynamics of the state. Those mostly urban voters who moved here during this period were universally young and liberal, and determined that Oregon be youthful, unsophisticated, and aggressively progressive -- the costs to the rest of the state and even to themselves be damned.

 

In 2004, pollster Tim Hibbitts in an article in BrainstormNW magazine, "Life in the Land of Latte Leftists," described this new Oregon liberal electorate in this manner: "brain dead."

Said Hibbitts at the time," Portland is an intellectually boring city. We have no intellectual debate here, just different shades of liberalism. I haven't seen any indication that a significant number of Portlanders think there is something wrong with this ideology. They want to blame it on the individual; see the mayor as the scapegoat."

 

But 2018 Oregon is different than 2004 Oregon.

 

Allen Alley in an interview last summer in this newsletter explains the compounding crisis: "The current payroll of all the state, county, city, police, fire and schools covered by PERS is about $10 billion a year. Our current cash payments only to existing retirees, is already 45 percent of our payroll and is rising. That is an outstandingly high number and already isn't sustainable."

 

So here are questions to ponder in 2018:

 

  1. Does the coming PERS Armageddon explain why Democrats receive on average 55 percent of the vote for federal races but only 48 percent for statewide races. How else to explain this new electoral schism? Has the Oregon electorate grown up enough to mirror the sophistication of a progressive but wiser Massachusetts electorate?
  2.  Is current Gov. Kate Brown the kind of caricature of a D-team coach who would be in charge when the longest winning streak in modern political history is snapped?  Will that mean a Gov. Buehler in 2019?

 

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Third Century Solutions
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